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Political Puzzle: Can Nigeria’s northern cabal convince Kwankwaso to partner with Atiku?

With the Nigerian presidential race in 2023 already taking on ethno-religious overtones, speculation has been rife about the deals leading candidates may reach to advance what may wind up becoming a regional agenda.

Millions of Nigerians watching the presidential primary of the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), on 28 May 2022 were surprised when Sokoto State Governor Aminu Tambuwal publicly announced that he was dropping out of the race.

More shocking, however, was that Tambuwal, who was an ally of Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike asked his supporters and delegates to vote for former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar.

“I have come to a patriotic conclusion to step down. I appeal to my supporters to take this in stride and (push) for national unity and patriotism – not only that, those that are delegates here should vote for Alhaji Atiku Abubakar,” he said.

Wike had supported and financed Tambuwal’s presidential ambition four years earlier but the Sokoto governor was defeated by Atiku at the 2018 PDP primaries. Many had therefore assumed that in the event that Tambuwal would step down, it would be for Wike.

Atiku went on to garner 371 votes against Wike’s 237. Atiku’s supporters described Tambuwal as the “hero” of the day even as debates on whether Wike could have won had Tambuwal not done what he did, continued to dominate political discourse.

Northern interest

While Tambuwal later explained that he decided to endorse Atiku in order to strengthen democracy, the back story reveals something more interesting.

Days before the PDP convention, the northern aspirants had made a pact that one of them would emerge as the winner of the primaries against the wishes of the southern aspirants who believed the next president must be from the south. However, the northern aspirants could not reach a consensus ahead of the convention.

With time running out, a powerful northern cabal which also includes retired generals had reached out to Tambuwal and other aspirants from the region to ensure Atiku wins the election. More importantly, the northern leaders were against Wike’s emergence because of statements he had made against the north in the past as well as his radical behaviour.

Zoning game

Apart from Atiku of the PDP the three other frontline candidates are Bola Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Peter Obi of the Labour Party, and former Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). Atiku and Kwankwaso are both from the north while Tinubu and Obi are southerners.

Alh. Atiku Abubakar

 

Both Tinubu and Obi are banking their ambition on the belief that after the eight-year term of President Muhammadu Buhari, a northerner, the presidency should automatically go to the south in consonance with a gentleman agreement that power should rotate between the two regions in the spirit of fairness.

This agreement is buttressed by the Federal Character Rule in the country’s constitution. This rule stipulates the fair and equitable representation of different ethnic and regional groups in the composition of all tiers of government.

But this line of argument has not been without its antagonism. Politicians and political analysts against this position have hinged their arguments on the calculation that since the return of Nigeria to democracy in 1999, the south has ruled Nigeria longer than the north. They also argue that no law precludes anyone from contesting. Atiku, a former Vice President, and Kwankwaso, a former governor of Kano state, are hinging their ambition loosely on this thin line.

Kwankwaso’s game

Eager to actualize his ambition, Kwankwaso joined the relatively unknown NNPP in March and convinced several notable politicians in Kano State, including his arch nemesis Senator Ibrahim Shekarau, to join him in the party.

Kano State has the second largest voting population in Nigeria and produced the largest number of votes for the APC with President Buhari polling 1.9 million votes and 1.4 million in the 2015 and 2019 elections respectively.

Kwankwaso, who enjoys a cult following in Kano State, sought to leverage on the huge votes in Kano and a few other northern states coupled with a strong partner in the south to win next year’s election. However, talks between him and Peter Obi broke down in June. He has been unable to make inroads into the south.

This handicap has weakened Kwankwaso’s chances thereby fuelling speculations that he would most likely negotiate with another candidate who stands a chance of winning.

Losing footsoldiers

Last month, Senator Shekarau dumped Kwankwaso and openly declared his support for Atiku, a development that the PDP has been celebrating. Some of Kwankwaso’s footsoldiers have also dumped his party and returned to the APC.

With his chances of victory waning coupled with a lack of national appeal, speculations that he would work for either Tinubu or Atiku are rising.

So will Kwankwaso partner with Governor Abdullahi Ganduje – his former deputy turned foe – to actualize Tinubu’s ambition? Or will he work with his arch nemesis – Shekarau – to work for Atiku’s victory in the spirit of northern brotherhood?

mutual distrust and personal ambition … will make it very difficult for them to come together”

But Atiku and Kwankwaso have a history that may not make this relationship work out. A professor of political science from Bayero University, Kano, Kamilu Sani Fage said it was widely reported that in 2019, Kwankwaso got election ‘ mobilization money’ from Atiku but did not use it during the presidential election. Atiku would end up polling 391,593 votes against Buhari’s 1.4 million votes in Kano state.

Rabiu Musa Kwankaso

“That was one of the reasons they fell apart. So, I think there is that mutual distrust and personal ambition, which will make it very difficult for them to come together. Also, if Kwankwaso joins Atiku in PDP, it will rekindle the battle for supremacy with Shekarau,” he said.

Fage, a former Vice President of the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA), however, added that “as far as Nigerian politics is concerned, there is nothing impossible or surprising because politics is primarily of self-interest not of principles or ideologies.” He, therefore, argues that it is unlikely that Atiku and Kwankwaso will work together.

Preferred candidate

But an associate of Atiku, Dr. Suleiman Yusuf Dambatta, who is the deputy governor candidate of PDP in Kano, told The Africa Report that though it would be difficult to convince Kwankwaso to abandon his presidential ambition at this time, the PDP family would welcome him if he decides to team up with Atiku.

Kwankwaso’s recent Freudian slip during a TV interview where he said if he does not make the presidency, he would support Tinubu, the ruling party’s candidate, had also brought to light his preference for Tinubu. However, he later claimed he didn’t mean he would be stepping down.

as far as Nigerian politics is concerned, there is nothing impossible … because politics is primarily of self-interest not of principles.”

Elder statesman, Tanko Yakasai, who also supports Tinubu, told The Africa Report that this televised position of Kwankwaso, coupled with the fact that there is no assurance that Atiku is even the preferred candidate of the ‘so-called Northern cabal’, makes a union between Atiku and Kwankwaso almost impossible.

He said even if the union materializes “it is not Kano (alone) that will determine the outcome of the election. My calculation is that whoever gets 25 per cent of votes in 24 states and works hard to get the majority of the total votes will emerge the winner.”

Merger talks

Also, Aminu Abdussalam, the deputy governorship candidate for Kwankwaso’s NNPP in Kano state and one of Kwankwaso’s closest associates, told The Africa Report that all the talks of a merger portray Kwankwaso as someone who cannot make it “and I think that is a terribly wrong and baseless permutation.”

“Kwankwaso will never step down or work with Atiku. We are all out for the challenges. No retreat, no surrender,” he said.

Similarly, Kwankwaso’s campaign spokesperson, Ladipo Johnson in a statement titled ‘Kwankwaso is in the race to win’ dispelled speculations that the candidate is considering backing other candidates.

But the voting pattern in Nigeria has shown that the 12 Muslim-dominated states in the north have always voted in the same direction in all Presidential elections since 1999.

Northern unity

Political associates of both northern heavyweight politicians (Atiku and Kwankwaso) believe that the union, though difficult, may not be off the table going into the election which is still five months away.

“Historically, the north has always been more united than the south. That’s why the motto of the dominant northern party in the 1960s was ‘one north, one people. Never say never when it comes to Nigerian politics,” a PDP Presidential aspirant who wished to remain anonymous, tells The Africa Report.

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AfricaCoverCulture & TourismOpinion

EDITORIAL COMMENT

The Canon-Ishara Mara Partnership

A game changer for Kenya, Africa’s  eco/community tourism

Mohammed Abu,ADM,Accra

Community, cultural and eco-tourism together constitute an important integral part  of Africa’s wider tourism sectorial endowment  potential.

National tourism development frameworks in African countries should have strategic  Investment in tourism infrastructure and its marketing in order  to unlock it’s fullest employment and revenue generation potential.

The desert country,United Arab Emirates(UAE),offers an important case study from which  Africa could  draw useful lessons. The UAE stands dwarfed when compared with  the average African country in terms of eco-tourism potential.

The country can only boast, desert coastal and non-coastal ecosystems without any appreciable amount biodiversity other than well managed beeches  plentiful sand dunes, the date tree, camels and a few surviving plant species native to the country.

She cannot compare her self to the average African country  in terms of quantum of terrestrial and aquatic ecosystem biodiversity via abundant river systems,lakes,wetlands,waterfalls,wildlife species of all kinds,etc.

Despite the foregoing eco-tourism limitations of the country,she  embarked on  substantial investments in innovative artificial tourists attraction spot  infrastructure projects like the world’s tallest hotel building in the sea,artificial islands,world’s tallest tower,shopping Malls, among others.

Driven by a tenacity of purpose and employing state of the art technology,,the country worked to  position herself as the hob for global tourism today and which is never in question.

According to both UAE official sources and that of the World Travel and Tours Council,the United Arab Emirates’s Tourism Revenue reached 25 USD bn in Dec 2020, compared with 38 USD bn in the previous year.

Tourism now contributes 11.5 per cent of Dubai’s GDP, an official UAE  statement said, adding that Dubai has been named the third-best city for capturing direct international tourism spend in the World Travel & Tourism Council’s 2019 Cities report.

On the part of the African continent as a whole, for the same period,in 2019, the industry accounted for about seven percent of Africa’s GDP and contributed $169 billion to its economy—about the size of Côte d’Ivoire’s and Kenya’s combined GDP. Africa’s travel and tourism sector employed more than 24 million people in 2019, according to the World Travel and Tourism Council (WTTC).

It is therefore against this background that the recent announcement of the  Canon-Ishara Mara partnership deal  to launch the Canon Experience Centre in Kenya, dedicated to supporting  education and empowerment of people,is a welcome news.

Canon’s Experience Centre aims to raise awareness about  nature and wildlife whilst empowering the indigenous Maasai people by providing a unique and immersive photography, video and print experience at the national reserve.

The importance of environmental protection and conservation awareness creation among African ethnic communities cannot be over emphasized  since they are the custodians, direct and immediate beneficiaries of the ecology and its biodiversity.

In the same vein, they are equally those who would feel the immediate adverse impact of ecological degradation be in terms of wildlife or plant life which serves their food, medicinal and other needs.

Transforming local community members into content creators on various topics such as Human Coexistence with the environment and Wildlife, Maasai Tribe and Culture, Wildlife Photography, Wildlife Beauty, Protection, Preservation and Environmental Conservation is indeed a game changer.

Likewise, the initiative of  promoting and empowering women to become Maasai tour-guides by providing various training and educational opportunities.

Further supporting  the trained guides to purchase official Canon equipment through its exclusive packages designed for the Maasai tour guides as well as a referral scheme from Canon that will allow the Maasai tour guides to earn an added commission should a Canon customer visit the experience center is lot  more laudable.

While we of the African Development magazine, wish to specially commend Canon for its important youth and tourism focused initiatives in Africa as part of its CSR,we also world like to call on African governments to take a cue from the UAE and invest heavily  in tourism development infrastructure, destination branding and tourism marketing.

Granted Africa’s relatively endowed diverse forms of tourism endowments, the continent could do a lot more better to provide more employment for the youth and to derive more revenue for developing funding as a means of scaling down the continent’s much lamented debt burden.

We dare  add that, beyond the Canon Experience Center initiative in Kenya, moving on, Africa’s tourism Ministries and promotion agencies could may be consider well crafted strategic and mutually beneficial partnerships with Canon Africa.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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AfricaAPO-OPACoverEconomyOpinionWorld

Achieving AU Agenda 2063

Mr. Mabingwe Ngom

“Africa’s Year of Nutrition 2022 is Opportune and Timely”-Mr.Mabingwe

The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA),  welcomes the vision behind the African Union (AU) theme for 2022: ‘Strengthening Resilience in Nutrition and Food Security on the African Continent: strengthening Agro-Food Systems, Health and Social Protection Systems for the Acceleration of Human, Social and Economic Capital Development’.

World hunger has been on the rise since 2015 and saw a dramatic increase as a result of COVID-19. The UN Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) says the number of food-insecure people rose by 318 million in 2020, 86 million of whom live in sub-Saharan Africa, the region with the highest prevalence of food insecurity – 66 per cent of the population.

Malnutrition is linked to poverty, low levels of education and poor access to health, including reproductive health services and family planning. The Cost of Hunger in Africa (COHA) study has demonstrated a direct link between poor nutrition and economic development, estimating that countries lose between 2 to 16 per cent of their annual gross domestic product (GDP) because of childhood stunting. These challenges threaten the realisation of the AU’s Agenda 2063 ‘The Africa We Want’. Food security is essential to achieve the continent’s long-term goals.

With the 2022 theme, the AU highlights the paramount importance of adequate nutrition for health and wellbeing, stimulating human capital development and the socio-economic potential of individuals, families and communities.

2022 presents an opportunity to invest more effectively in nutrition and accelerate the march towards people-driven development that harnesses the power of women and youth. As the continent with the youngest population in the world, Africa can experience a ‘demographic dividend’, as seen in Asian Tiger countries, when the economically active population became larger than the dependent population, leading to increased growth and prosperity. When food security improves, health, well-being and productivity follow, increasing the likelihood of achieving a demographic dividend.

Nutrition and food security are a springboard for a positive health outcome and sustainable economic development. The impetus, driven by the top level of Africa’s governance, will improve the nutrition of millions of young people, who will become more productive as a result, as well as further reduce maternal deaths; thousands of pregnant women die each year from severe iron-deficiency anaemia.

Nutrition and food security programs will also transform the lives of more than a third of Africa’s population under the age of five years and these will, in turn, curb the enormous losses caused by malnutrition on the continent’s GDP.

Timely, integrated interventions

The focus on nutrition is timely, when according to the Ecological Threat Report 2021, climate change and demographic growth are driving increased food insecurity across the globe, with two ‘hotspots’ on the continent – southern Africa (from Angola to Madagascar) and the Sahel-Horn of Africa – both regions with weak socio-economic resilience, extreme ecological risk and a rapidly growing population.

By reinforcing the connection between nutrition and other key priority areas, this year’s theme is further evidence of the AU’s determination to tackle development challenges through integration.

Collaboration is key

There is a powerful multiplier effect when partnerships are built to upscale successful interventions. 2022 is an opportunity for new generation partnerships and UNFPA is committed to working closely with the AU and other partners to act to achieve priorities and implement the AU’s Agenda 2063 and the UN SDGs, as detailed in the UNFPA publication ‘GOAL 17: Partnership: UNFPA’s approach for the transformation of Africa and the world’.

 Good nutrition is fundamental in securing the Africa we want. Throughout this Africa’s Year of Nutrition, the UNFPA calls on the international community to support the AU and the efforts of His Majesty King Letsie III, the AU Nutrition Champion, to invest in African solutions that eradicate food insecurity on the continent.

For more information about the UNFPA visit www.unfpa.org

Editor’s Note: Published unedited

 

 

 

 

 

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Oil & Gas

We Need to Talk About Africa’s Energy Crisis: Why is Production Waning? Its Exploration By Bigstock

The final frontier for oil and gas exploration, a range of untapped resources awaiting exploitation, and opportunities across the entire energy value chain all represent key components of Africa’s hydrocarbon market. For years, resource rich nations have been capitalizing on their resources, driving exploration and production alongside global players. Now, producing markets across the continent have started to dramatically underperform, with countries such as Nigeria missing production targets by a large margin. What will these production declines mean for the African continent and what can be done to mitigate this trend?

Even at the start of 2022, producing nations in Africa continue to grapple with the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. Demand fluctuations, price instability, and the global reduction in fossil fuel directed capital expenditure have left many oil-reliant nations scrambling. While attempts to diversify economies have been noted – specifically through developments in natural gas, renewables, and associated sub-sectors such as transportation and logistics – in the short- to medium-term, oil continues to be a critical asset for many African countries.

Africa’s oil and gas resources are a blessing for the continent’s socio-economic development, and yet production figures towards the end of 2021 represent a growing challenge. Nigeria, for example, with over 36 billion barrels of oil in place has the potential to produce upwards of 2 million barrels per day (bpd). Yet, during December 2021, the country was only producing 1.1 million bpd – resulting in an estimated 2.4-million-barrel loss for the month. Similarly, despite production targets of 1.8 million bpd by 2022, during December 2021 Libya also underperformed, producing on average 1.06 million bpd. However, this was largely attributed to blockades at key oilfields due to political conflict, and the country’s production is starting to increase again.

The impacts of underperformance on African economies will be significant. Notably, with Africa contending with its own energy crisis – whereby over 600 million people are still without access to electricity – a production downturn could further accentuate the crisis. As Dean Foreman, Chief Economist at the American Petroleum Institute describes, “African crude oil and natural gas production adds value to the economy and is an engine for employment, investment, economic growth and innovation.  When this production underperforms, as it has recently, producing nations across the continent lose these benefits, and their global oil market position weakens. Moreover, nations that import refined petroleum products could end up with greater dependence and higher prices to attract products from global markets.”

On the other hand, underperformance in Africa could impact production quotes. Energy Board Executive, Abdur Rasheed Omidiya, extends on this notion, stating that, “Continuous inability to meet OPEC production quota means OPEC may at some point review down the African countries quota and source increase in other member countries which will directly impact the economy as crude oil sales made up to one-third of some government budget revenue and 90% of export earnings.”

These production trends, if continued, will have significant impacts on refineries, as well as domestic energy supply, in Africa. Omidiya describes the current situation as a “double-edged sword, as the shortfalls may impact crude supply with the current increase in demand pushing the crude price higher. This is good and bad news for a country like Nigeria, which should ordinarily earn more foreign exchange from the sale of crude, but now has to deal with paying more subsidy since there’s a positive relationship between the international prices of the commodity and how much Nigerians get the product at the pump.”

One of the primary reasons contributing to continent-wide production declines is the lack of adequate investment across the upstream market. COVID-19 coupled with the global push for an energy transition has led to many international investors pulling out of hydrocarbon projects, diverting capital to green energy. However valuable for the renewables market, this move has proved disastrous for African oil and gas dependent nations.

Demand fluctuations, price instability, and the global reduction in fossil fuel directed capital expenditure have left many oil-reliant nations scrambling

Sebastian Wagner, Managing Director of DMWA Resources, credits the production decline to a combination of factors, stating that, “The year 2021 brought along multiple divestments in the African upstream sector, which have since impacted production. In addition, the impacts of the pandemic are still being felt as the multiple shutdowns caused snags with restarting oil wells. A disturbing trend has emerged over the years. There has been a decrease in investments in the exploration and development of oil and gas, thus impacting infrastructure and hampering oil and gas production.”

So, what needs to be done to mitigate this trend? Wagner notes that, “In anticipation to becoming a principal supplier and reviving crude oil output, African governments and policymakers can counter the pressure by attracting more investments into the upstream sector.” Accordingly, the solution lies in the upstream market. Recent developments worldwide have not only emphasized the need to scale-up capital expenditure in African exploration, but have reaffirmed the role oil and gas continues to play in the global energy space. Europe’s energy crisis, for example, and the European Union’s decision to label gas as green could represent both a challenge and opportunity for African markets. While the new label could usher in a new wave of investment in Africa, trickle-down effects from Europe’s crisis poses a new challenge.

Foreman explains by stating that, “The short-term spillover effect of Europe’s energy crisis has been to raise natural gas and other energy commodity prices, and short of government intervention in markets that could have a cooling effect on prospective investments the current cycle likely needs to work itself out.  Longer-term planning across the African continent could have beneficial effects, both to develop greater resources for African consumption and exports but also potentially to position some producers as pivotal future suppliers to Europe.  Europe’s energy crisis could motivate parties to develop African resources, elevating their market position as a counterbalance to supplies from Russia and global liquefied natural gas (LNG) that could be relatively more expensive to develop and transport.”

In the meantime, the need for accelerated investment in Africa has never been more prominent. “The struggle to increase production is due to years of underinvestment in the upstream oil and gas sector with ageing infrastructure magnified by the recent pandemic and call for no new investment in fossil fuels. The government and oil and gas operators need to find a new way of stimulating investors’ confidence and appetite with 3C’s: Certainty and Consistency in policies and regulatory law and Competitive in business friendliness,” states Omidiya.

The polarizing and misleading campaigns by powerful western groups like Greenpeace against Shell’s 3D seismic survey off the Wild Coast South Africa is wrong. The science does not back their misleading claims and blocking Shell hurts South Africa and many poor people. Exploring for energy oil and gas reserves in South Africa does not hurt the country. South Africa is a net importer of oil and gas and depends on foreign countries. Its energy security, development and beating energy should be prioritized. When a responsible and leading explorer is being demonized, it sends the wrong message to investors, creates a volatile market and hurts everyone. Namibia has showed amazing maturity when it comes to Shell’s work in the country and should be commended. We are confident that Shell’s exploration well in the Orange Basin offshore Namibia will be successful. The Graff-1 well is located in Block 2913A in the Orange Basin where Shell is the operator and its partners are QatarEnergy and the national oil company of Namibia, Namcor.

Accordingly, as a whole, Africa needs to ensure both an enabling and attractive environment for investment. There is no need to wait until African Energy Week in October in Cape Town to find solutions. Despite the progress made to date in this area, more can be done to entice global players and international investors into Africa’s market. In line with this, the African Energy Chamber (AEC) – a leading voice for energy in Africa – firmly believes in the role and value that oil and gas play in Africa’s economies. A lot of changes are necessary to give oil and gas companies the incentive to explore in Africa during the current downturn. But we can’t stop there. We need to consider other pain points that discourage foreign operations in Africa and find ways to eliminate those challenges as well. So why not remove this hurdle? Negotiating with trusted explorers would help them avoid unnecessary delays and bureaucratic red tape. Making these changes would still allow them to emphasize their own priorities, and it might also make IOCs more likely to keep exploring within their borders.

“Exploration, Exploration and Exploration. You can’t produce oil and natural gas if you don’t explore. You can’t let radicals stop exploration campaigns and you can’t let bureaucrats kick out companies with poor regulations like the CEMAC forex rules.  Let’s face it, look at Algeria, where oil and gas production rates were already declining in 2019, before the pandemic, largely because of repeated project delays caused by, among other challenges, slow government approval. During four licensing rounds, Algeria saw minimal interest from investors” Stated NJ Ayuk, Executive Chairman of the African Energy Chamber.

“Nigeria, too, is known for the less than speedy pace at which it sanctions exploration projects. Even before COVID-19, its slow movement on this front contributed to a decline in oil production over a 10-year period” Concluded Ayuk.

As the year begins and new opportunities across the continent emerge, the AEC remains committed to helping African producing states accelerate project activities, improve production, and usher in a new era of socio-economic growth and well-being.

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Opinion

OPINION: Who Owns Nigeria’s Oil?

This article by Dr Kayode Ajulo is about the question of the ownership of Nigerian Oil, as raised by Chief Edwin Clark and former Nigerian President, Olusegun Obasanjo; and the borderline between Ownership and Trusteeship of Natural Resources in Nigeria

Introduction

I have read and keenly observed with great trepidation, the grotesque drama which has ensued from the battle of the pen with little or no truce, however uneasy, between two of Nigeria’s greatest political bigwigs and nationalists, on the backdrop of the Summit organised by a group, Global Peace Foundation, on December 13, 2021, where President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR was alleged to have exhibited hatred and disconcertedness against the Niger Delta Region.

As could be gleaned in an Open Letter from Chief Edwin Clark to President Olusegun Obasanjo, titled “My Disappointment Over Your Unapproved Outburst Against the People of the Niger Delta Region”, the Elder Statesman, among other things noted that the Niger Delta Region has been marginalised by past regimes of the Government and that he was appalled at that same Government attitudinal disposition towards the minority groups of the Niger Delta was exacerbated by the former President, after the latter allegedly openly interjected and contradicted the submissions of both Engr. Wodu and Mr O’Mac Emakpore were Chief Clark’s representatives at the Summit.

Chief Edwin Clark while emphasizing the constant marginalisation of the people of the Niger Delta Region further noted that despite the facts that these natural resources are found within the preserves of the Niger Delta Region, succeeding governments have not been committed to ensuring the development of the region, and have not used the money got from the resources of the region for its development, as done for other regions.

Underscoring his argument, Chief Clark further noted that by the principle of derivation as enshrined in Section 140 of the 1960 Constitution, natural resources found within regions in the country were controlled by the people of the regions.

In his response, President Obasanjo while denouncing the notion that he had any hatred for the Niger Delta Region, noted that he had no such grudge for the region and placed more emphasis on the fact that by the dint of the Constitution, all natural resources in any part of the Federation is owned by the Federal Government, and within the exclusive legislative list of the National Assembly.

He further noted among other things, that the territory of Nigeria is indivisible, inclusive of the resources found therein. “No territory in Nigeria including the minerals found therein belongs to the area of (sic) location, and this remains so until the Federation is dissolved”.

I have always dreaded to criticise these Elder statesmen, as these two men are among the four persons I hold in great esteem and awe in my heart when it comes to national issues and political discourse. The other two men are, Bishop Emmanuel Bolanle Gbonigi and Aare Afe Babalola, SAN, OFR, CON. Only those who know the enervating particularity and the indelible contributions these men have exerted to ensure the attainment of a better Nigeria, can appreciate my choice of same.

If we must allow memory to be our guide, it must be noted that Chief Edwin Kiagbodo Clark, OFR, CON is a Nigerian elder statesman of high repute and integrity, who has throughout the course of his political career which has spanned over seven decades, fought and still fights for the emancipation of the people of Niger Delta and Nigeria as a whole.

Similarly, except by some perverse logic and political sentiment, it is an undeniable fact that President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR, is one of our greatest leaders who have guided the sail of the Nigerian Ship in both the military and democratic dispensation.

Be that as it may, I am obliged to note that this clash is nothing but a jiggery-pokery pastime of ancient war lords, in which the former, with respect, may be said to be emotionally incautious,, while the latter, respectfully, was merely engaging in cheeky and specious sophistry to put his points across.

President Olusegun Obasanjo interestingly and surprisingly anchored his argument solely on law, whereas the answer on the ownership is found in the extant provision of our laws and could as well be viewed from the geo-political perspectives of the Nigeria of today’s tenuous existence.

De jure and De facto Ownership of Natural Resources in Nigeria

Beyond the above red-hot dialogue and pantomime, it suffices to note that Section 44(3) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), the Land Use Act of 1978 and the Petroleum Act vest the exclusive control and management of oil and gas in the Federal Government, and not the State or Local Government where the oil and gas are found. It can therefore be said that, the Nigerian Federal Government is the “de jure” owner of the oil. However, the indubitable and undeniable reality is that, the Niger Delta region where the oil is found is the “de facto” owner of the oil.

In the consideration of our geo-political aspect including the security consideration, it is patent that by the circumstance of composition of Nigerian Federal Government, the oil and gas resources are held in trust by the Federal Government on behalf of the Citizens of Nigeria for the overall benefit and development of the nation.

Quite frankly, our extant laws also give credence to the real owners of these natural resources, hence the provision for derivative funds for host communities, particularly, the Niger Delta. In that payment of derivative funds is an implicit recognition of the primary ownership of the people of the land in which the oil resource resides, which position is further and more explicitly buttressed ex cathedral by the Apex Court of the land to the effect that a State shall be entitled to natural resources emanating from within its boundaries, so as to qualify for the allocation of funds from the Federation Accounts. See the cases of A G Federation v A G Abia State & 35 Ors (2002) 6 NWLR (Pt.763) Pg.542; AG Rivers State v AG Akwa Ibom & Ors (2011) LPELR-633(SC).

Doctrine of Public Trust of Natural Resources and Equitable distribution of same

In order to bring the present discourse into specific perspective and for the enlightenment of those who might have been swayed by the perspicacious lustre of charm which serenaded President Olusegun Obasanjo’s reply that natural resources are owned by the Federal Government, it is crucial to state that, rather than being the owner of natural resources, the Federal Government is a trustee of these natural resources for the benefit of the citizens of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Hence, the Government is a steward/custodian of these natural resources to be harnessed and distributed as best as possible to serve the common good. The beneficiaries of a trust are the true owners of the same, even if by the very nature of trusts, another may manage and oversee it on their behalf.

In other words, the Federal Government is holding the natural resources in trust for public use, including the communities where such natural resources are found. A careful perusal of Section 17(2)(d) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) clearly dictates that “in furtherance of the social order, exploitation of…natural resources in any form whatsoever for reasons, other than the good of the community shall be prevented”.

Hence, Federal Government’s trusteeship of these natural resources should not under any guise be equated to outright ownership of the natural resources by the Federal Government. This critical relationship between ownership and trusteeship of natural resources is a vital point in the Nigerian polity and socio-economic development of the nation.

Conclusion

From whatever angle this issue is being considered, worthy of note is that there are certain, almost predictable similarities and convergence between the positions of these two prominent Elder statesmen which is the ardour and candour, their impatience with Nigeria’s millennial lassitude, their strident clarion call against marginalisation and mis-governance.

Without much ado, it is my humble admonition that a nation is held together not just by the aggregate of its human and natural resources, but by a qualitative and progressive harnessing of those resources for the betterment of both the regions where these resources are found, and the nation at large.

Dr Olukayode Ajulo, FCIArb, UK, Founder/Executive Director of Egalitarian Mission of Africa

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Opinion

Rethinking Strategies to Achieve the SDGs By Dr. Hanaa Albanna

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) define the world we want. They apply to all nations and mean, quite simply, to ensure that no one is left behind. … The 17 Sustainable Development Goals ARE the 2030 Agenda, the map of the world we seek.

Rethinking Strategies to Achieve the SDGs

We currently find ourselves a third of the way through the Sustainable Development Goals timeline. Recently, ‘The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2020’ painted a disturbing picture of the stagnant progress towards achieving the SDGs by their 2030 deadline. The report also highlighted the damaging impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on SDGs progress. The strides towards sustainable and inclusive economic growth, energy provision, and infrastructure development were all falling short before COVID-19 even existed. Now, in the wake of a global pandemic, insufficient progress in achieving the SDGs has been amplified.

Across the globe, 190 countries and territories have planned, introduced, or adapted social protection measures in response to COVID-19. The reactionary measures are in place to address the pandemic’s socioeconomic impacts; however, it has created a unique opportunity to reinforce attempts to build a more sustainable and fair system and achieve the SDGs commitments. Each country will attempt bespoke solutions to overcome the social, economic, and environmental impacts of the pandemic, where local-level recovery efforts will need to be reinforced and supported. Meanwhile, the collective responses must equate to coordinated action that matches the global scale of COVID-19 to counter the universal risk of falling short on the SDGs.

These are the specific priorities that must be addressed to enable the world to build back sustainably and in a unified manner, with the multilateral system being crucial to supporting their implementation.

(1) Maintaining past progress made towards eradicating basic deprivations

Regressing on the existing progress towards the SDGs not only endangers the opportunity to eradicate basic deprivations; it also reduces the ability to respond to future shocks, especially for the most vulnerable global populations. Therefore, it is of paramount importance to ensure that the progress that has already been achieved continues by supporting those at immediate risk of poverty, hunger, or disease while facilitating their safe return to work or education and access to health care.

(2) Accelerating the universal provision of quality essential services

Ensuring universal access to services such as quality healthcare, education, and basic income security, coupled with access to clean water and sanitation, clean energy and the internet must become core to strategies of recovery from the COVID-19 crisis. Meanwhile, guaranteeing the delivery of such core services and continuing the support to marginalized groups including women will create an environment that promotes the economic empowerment of women and ensure that COVID-19 response intentionally, strongly, and permanently redresses the long-standing inequalities.

(3) Strengthening official development assistance

The International Development (Official Development Assistance ODA) is still a core component of the financial responsibility to achieve the SDGs. The leaders in the donor community must maintain their efforts to encourage other nations to fulfill and strengthen their ODA commitments.

(4) Encouraging private investment

Incentivizing the private sector to achieve SDG progress, support job creation, increase incomes into developing nations and those with fragile state systems should be considered a priority. Therefore, a nation should only select the investments that will contribute towards the progression of the Goals.

(5) Empowering and building the capacity of civil society organisations

Civil society organisations have a major role in accelerating the progress toward the SDGs, by communicating and implementing the goals and holding governments to account.

Governments should work alongside civil society organisations (CSOs) and the global community to help toward SDG progression and to create the opportunity for universal cooperation ensuring that no one is left behind.

A focus on civil society funding mechanisms is needed to ensure that civil society organisation particularly small ones in the Global South have the needed knowledge and skills to align their initiatives with the SDGs.

(6) Encouraging private sector involvement

Governments and civil society organisations should take on a leading role to communicate the SDGs to a wide private sector audience. 2030 agenda is relevant to all businesses, from large cooperations to SMEs, and there is still a long way to go to get all companies engaged. Governments should encourage the private sector to incorporate the goals into their strategic business plans and their usual practices.

We need an impact-focused model involving all stakeholders. Impact-based business models can be developed, where the delivery of positive impacts is a driver of business success. This model can play a major role in bridging the financing gap for the SGDs, while their digital components can help reduce costs.

(7) Domestic implementation of the SDGs

There must be a strategic and comprehensive policy approach and commitment to ensure proper implementation of the SDGs. Governments must ensure that all their departments engage with the SDGs and fully understand the implications of the Goals on their department’s policies and programming to ensure domestic implementation is on track.

(8) Data for development

Data plays a vital role in enabling national governments to track progress against the SDGs, and for citizens and civil society to hold the government to account on areas where they are falling short.

Additionally, it is essential that gender data remain a priority commitment of the global community, to enable the design of gender-fair bailouts, subsidies, and other economic recovery measures.

(9) Reporting against the SDGs

Governments should report annually on their contribution to SDG progress. This would be a helpful internal process for governments, to assess where they are successful and where their efforts are falling short, and thus where they need to take further action or reprioritize their efforts.

There is no magical solution to overcome all challenges at once, but there are a number of strategies that must be taken immediately to get us back on track. Achieving the transformative vision of the SDGs by 2030 requires a major realignment of most countries’ national priorities toward long-term, cooperative, and drastically accelerated action, design a ‘human-centered’ COVID-19 response and recovery that tackle these challenges and build a ‘better normal’.

 

Dr. Hanaa Albanna
SDGs, CSR, and Charity Expert
International Initiatives Manager – Global One UK

 

 

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Opinion

RAPE: A Threat To The Nigerian Girl Child By Adams Mustapha Itopa

Rape is defined in most jurisdictions as sexual intercourse, or other forms of sexual penetration, committed by a penetrator against victims without their consent. Simply put, rape as generally known to all, means an act of a man having forceful sexual intercourse with a woman or girl.

Section 357 of the criminal code applicable to the southern part of Nigeria, defines rape as follows;

“Any person who has unlawful carnal knowledge of a woman or girl without her consent, or with her consent, if the consent is obtained by force or by means of threat, or intimidation of any kind, or by fear of harm, or by means of false or fraudulent representation as to the nature of the act, or in the case of a married woman, by personating her husband, is guilty of an offense which is called rape”.

It follows in section 358 of the same act that the punishment for the offense of rape is imprisonment for life.

While section 282 of the penal code applicable to the northern part of Nigeria defines rape as;

“(1) A man is said to commit rape who… has sexual intercourse with a woman in any of the following circumstances;- (a) against her will; (b) without her consent; (c) with her consent, when her consent has been obtained by putting her in fear of death, or of hurt; (d) with her consent, when the man, when the man knows that he is not her husband and that her consent is giving because she believes that he is the man to whom she is or believes herself to be lawfully married; (e) with or without her consent when she is under fourteen years of age or of unsound mind”

It is furious, bedeviling, emotionally destructive to have carnal knowledge of the female gender against her consent. The act lasts a couple of minutes but leaves a scar that takes years to heal, or probably, would never. As sex gives orgasm, rape causes enormous pain to the victim emotionally, psychologically and in many ways wise.

In recent times, the incidences of this type of assault have increased at an alarming rate in Africa, mostly Nigeria leading to the death of so many women as they couldn’t face the world but would rather take away their lives (suicide).

In our country today, rape occurs every day, everywhere. In homes, streets, schools, public places, event centers, urban & rural areas, towns & cities & villages. The country is so hard that it is inevitable, the necessity of parents setting their children out to hawk, as it is, the only way through which a large number of Nigerian homes survive daily. Any Nigerian girl hawking in the street is on the verge possibility of being raped.

According to UNICEF data, 1 in 4 Nigerian girls are sexually assaulted before the age of 18. And despite the increase in activism justice is rare.

Nigeria, a country of 206 million populace, had just 32 rape convictions between 2019 & 2020, according to data from Nigeria’s national anti-trafficking agency. Considering the number of outcries on alleged cases of sexual assault, one could easily juxtapose that 32 convictions is a very low ratio.

It is little or no policy or law that helps protect the victims as they’re most times blamed, stigmatized and humiliated by the public if it brought to the public domain, especially these days social media platforms…… 9 in 10 do not believe the victims and do take their claims as false accusations. These, and many more, hinders the victims from embracing the mindset of reporting such an inhumane, demonic crime to the appropriate authority.

Many Nigerian girls who had accused men of rape have faced backlash, high-profile defamation lawsuits, and even retaliatory police investigations. And this, thus, poses threat like a sickle on the neck, or a double-barreled rifle pointed at the head of rape victims, which scares them from seeking justice. They feel or rather thought, their lack of either political, economic power and charismatic authority and they’re coming from not wealthy families would make the case to backfire. They accept fate and wouldn’t seek justice……… “This is why Nigeria is losing its fight to prosecute rape”.

Instances Of Rape Cases In Nigeria

In May 2020, somewhere around Narayi in the Southern Kaduna, one Miss Jennifer, an 18-year-old girl was gang-raped by a group of five boys said to be her friends after giving her a drink containing an alcoholic substance which caused her sleep and unconsciousness while they rape her and which left her in a dilapidated mental state.

June 6th, 2020, a twelve-year-old girl in her residence at Ajah, Lagos State, was raped by four men who masked their faces.

May 27th, 2020, a 2022-year-old Microbiology student of Uniben, Miss Uwavera Omozuma, while reading in a church close to her house, was raped after which she was hit by a fire extinguisher which leads to her death.

On June 3rd 2020, one Miss Barakat Bello, a 19-year-old student of Institute of Agriculture, Research and Training (IART) Ibadan, was attacked in her parents’ house at Akinyele, raped, and stabbed to death.

Same June 2020, somewhere in Nigeria, a 26-year lady was assaulted by a government appointee, for making a post on social media which to him was a scandal. Many human rights organizations demonstrated and complaints were made, yet till today, the case hasn’t been assigned to a judge.

On 23rd June 2020, a man raped a three-month-old baby in Nassarawa State leaving the child in a disfigured state.

These are just a few of the numerous rape cases in Nigeria.

Rape is an infringement on women’s rights, privacy, self-preservation and dignity.

Showcasing how devilish the crime is, in the case of Shaibu Isa vs State, (2016) 6 NWLR (pt.1508) 243, His Lordship I.T. Muhammad by the way of obiter referred to a rapist as ;

“A rapist is worse than an animal. He has no moral rectitude. He throws overboard, the limits of his legal rights and he can, shamelessly, deprive another person (more painfully female children of underage) of their God-giving rights of protecting the chastity and Sanctity of their body and mind. He is all out to pollute such chastity and sanctity. He (rapist) has no respect for human beings! He can commit any atrocity. He is cancer to society. What a shame!”

Recommendations

  1. Castration; Any accused rapist whom the court has found guilty, his testicles should be removed. This will make him cease having sexual urges which could arouse him to commit the crime sometime again.
  2. Closed Trial; Rape cases in Nigeria are in open court. With the fear that people will be staring at the victim, the shame and sometimes stigmatization, the doubts that the accusations might be false, a victim may lack the courage to report the authorized bodies.
  3. Special Court for the trial of rape cases; It is a recommendation of this writer, the establishment of special court to review and try rape cases. This is to ensure the protection of the victim’s dignity.

 

 

Adams Mustapha Itopa
Faculty Of Law,
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.
Tel : 09033775773
Email : barristeradams69@gmail.com



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Opinion

OPINION: Is Remodeled Adamasingba Stadium Yet Another White Elephant Project? By Alaba Abdulrazak

Since Governor Seyi Makinde came on board, I have had certain reservations about the cost of executing certain contracts in the Pacesetter State. The reason is that the service delivery of many of these projects is not incommensurate with the amounts expended on them.

However, when I heard that the contract for remodelling of Adamasingba Stadium built-in 1976, has been awarded, I was happy. I never bothered about the rationale of using N5.5bn for such remodelling. I was happy that the stadium that had suffered decades of neglect and converted to beer parlour joints has received the attention of our dear Governor Seyi Makinde.

As an indigene of Oyo state, I kept up to date with development on the stadium and was happy when I heard that it would be unveiled on September 1, 2021.

Aerial view of the Remodeled Lekan Salami sport complex. Adamasingba. Photo credit: Dapo Adedayo

The unveiling of the remodelled Adamasingba Stadium yesterday was like a carnival of sort. It had in attendance former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, ex-governors and many other dignitaries.

Even before yesterday’s unveiling, the elated Governor Seyi Makinde who visited the stadium a few days ago even expressed satisfaction with the work done by the contractor. The Governor was so happy that he even invited a foreign club from Slovenia to come and play the Shooting Stars of Ibadan 8pm on September 1, 2021, under floodlight.

The State government I gathered footed the bills of the invited foreign club. And not only that, so much money was also paid to Supersport, Channels TV and others to broadcast it live.

Unfortunately, just a few minutes of rain after the commencement of the match, the N5.5bn ‘Remodelled Adamasingba Stadium’ turned into a pool as the players found it difficult playing on it.

I asked myself-is this, not a Stadium that gulped N5.5bn? It’s expected that a Stadium that cost such an exorbitant amount of money for remodelling should have a pitch that is waterproof or at least water-resistant synthetic grass should have been used to meet up with the FIFA standard they want us to believe.

Does one wonder if this is the same stadium that some people claimed FIFA and other football federations are involved in?

I read a statement credited to the Chairman of Oyo State Sports Council, Gbenga Adewusi, that the Federation of International Football Association (FIFA) and the Nigerian Football Federation (NFF) was actively involved in the remodelling of the Stadium.
According to him, the involvement of the two federations was to ensure that the upgrade meets their standards for international matches which the state government intends to achieve.
He also stated that a well-equipped studio is a major requirement from FIFA.

I believe that the involvement of FIFA and NFF is still a claim that must be verified, yet questions must be asked about those who gave the contractor a pass mark for a project that has turned out to be a1 mockery of our dear State.

Also, in sharp contrast to Adewusi’s claim on the remodelled Adamasingba Stadium, a standard stadium should be equipped with the highest quality materials. In this way, both the spectators will watch a good quality game and the footballers too will play in a comfortable pitch.

FIFA approved football pitch, must be built with the capacity to play a professional match without hitches. A football competition can only be played in stadiums that meet the structural and technical requirements. Necessary measures should be put in place to ensure hitch-free use of the stadium. A pitch should be of natural turf or artificial turf that must be water-resistant.

Now that we have all seen the reality of the quality of the job done on the N5.5bn remodelled Adamasingba Stadium; we should begin to ask questions about the cost and the quality of the job done. Adamasingba Stadium should not be susceptible to vested interests and lose sight of the original economic goals, I believe it is set out to achieve for the Pacesetter state.

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POLITICS: Don’t vote for PDP, APC again; they have bad antecedents, Jega warns Nigerians

For their alleged failure to bring the desired growth and development in Nigeria within the past 20 years, a university don and former Chairman of the Independent Electoral Commission of Nigeria ( INEC), Professor Attahiru Muhammad Jega has urged Nigerians not to vote for the ruling All Progressives Congress ( APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party( PDP) henceforth.

He alleged that the two major political parties were like Siamese twins and it was high time Nigerians look for a credible alternative.

” Nigerians should dump the two parties because of their bad antecedents over the last 20 years. Looking at their inability to change the economic fortunes of Nigeria for 20 years now, it is now apparently clear that they would not do anything even if Nigerians vote for any of the two parties again,” he alleged.

“The APC and PDP have formed governments, we were all witnesses. They did not come with a good intention to make amends. If you look at the fight against corruption, all these corrupt people that were supposed to be prosecuted sneaked into the APC.”

“We are hearing nothing. That is why I’ve since registered with the Peoples Redemption Party( PRP). I am now a PRP member looking for ways to help Nigeria.”

” That is why we believe now is the time to establish a platform where every good Nigerian should join and contribute towards building the nation on the right path,” he said.

He alleged that those in the major political parties have destroyed everything and had made the parties so stigmatized that whichever good person joins the parties would be considered like them.

He said that was why “it has now become imperative to have a new platform where good Nigerians will constitute the membership.”

Jega also alleged that it was lack of good leadership in Nigeria that threw the nation into it current problems, which have led to the series of agitations for the country to be balkanized.

” Since 1979 I’ve been teaching in the university, for 40 years now. So, from what I read and observed, when I was Chairman of INEC, honestly the way I see our politicians conducting elections and from the manner, they represent their people when elected, honestly, it is something to be afraid of,” he said.

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Culture & TourismInternationalOpinion

ALAFINOLOGY: The Ideology and Epistemology of Kingship by Toyin Falola

ALAFINOLOGY: THE IDEOLOGY AND EPISTEMOLOGY OF KINGSHIP

INTRODUCTION
This paper is, indeed, not about the historical narratives of kings and their kingdoms over time; but, instead, it is about the ideology and epistemology of kingship, especially as it is manifested in the body of the king, the rituals of power, the “arts” around the king, the spaces over which the power is exercised, as well as the people over whom it is exercised upon, and the insurgencies that kingship generate.

In ” totalizing” the discourse on kingship and power, I combine the past with the present because both are sacrosanct and, to a large extent, relevant.

Conceptual and theoretical ideas are, of course, driven by, and grounded in narratives but theories as well as epistemologies can exclusively and implicitly elevate analysis beyond the interpretations of specific regional events, episodes, and historical timelines, and particularistic or localized attributes of kings. A conceptual analysis, such as the “second order” level that I present here, cumulates into narratives that belong to different parts of the world and historical eras, distilling them into theoretical and philosophical categories of analysis. I want to articulate a series of divergent and mutually reinforcing conceptual ideas on kingship in general, drawing on the Alaafin and hundreds of other noble kings in a comparative framework, with their long historical moments, and within a larger geographic space in Africa and other parts of the world.

Narratives on African kingships and chieftaincies tend to focus on peculiarities in association with cities, as in the power of the Alaafin in the eighteenth century, the Alake of Abeokuta in the nineteenth century, the Olubadan of Ibadan in the twentieth century, and the powerful anti-colonial Asantehene, King of the Asante. Sometimes, the narrative can focus on the sources of power, as in the case of Islam and the Sultan of Sokoto or the traditional as in the case of the Aku-Uka of Warri. There is nothing wrong with such micro-studies and many more of them are needed.

Two critiques of the micro-studies approach with respect to Africa must be noted. The first is that the characteristics of roles and responsibilities of kings, as in the case of Yoruba Obas, are presented in a descriptive manner, thus adding very little to the literature other than new names and titles. Second, kingship, as it must be understood, is not peculiarly African, but has a global reach.

That global traditions and histories of kings imply that analysis can be framed as comparative, which colonial anthropology and British officials actually attempted in creating hierarchies among kings in Nigeria — for example, they were comparing the Emirs of the North with the Obas of the South.

Kingship is not confined to the Yoruba people as there were, and still are, kings (going by different names) in hundreds of other places, nations and also in different civilizations and empires, some of which are no more. The long history of kingship, from state formations, to its pre-democracy antecedents, to its apogee in different historical periods (as in the case of Africa before the colonial conquest), to the rise of modern democracies, and the subsequent decline if kingship in modern politics, has been a subject of long historical narrations in different parts of the world.

There are countless stories on the activities of kings in different societies, which I will use as some of my examples, but there are also common denominators which allow us to construct a “second order” epistemological analysis of kingship(s).

Narrations, as those on the Alaafin of Oyo, in combination with those of other kings in other places, supply the data that drives this conceptual piece. For the most part, I will skip those narratives on the specific deeds of kings and the histories on their kingdoms.

I will relate the very idea of kingship to that of the ideology that produced it; the ideology that kingship itself manifested; and the knowledge that kingly power– in its conception and uses– produced and profited from.

Power is a product of an intellectual political philosophy, deeply held and keenly contested. As power becomes manifested in governance and conflicts, it generates a complicated set of events that feed the production of knowledge. My primary interest here is the interface of kingship, as a concentrated form of power, with knowledge, ideology, and epistemology.

This essay is structured into five parts: a long preface on the meaning and practices of kingship; a focus on the interlocking relationship between kingship and rituals; the connection between kingship and creativity as it draws the public to the palace and establishes control over talents and their products; and the fourth — the relationship between kingship, ideology and epistemology.

The fourth part is the major segment and core of the essay. In the fifth part into a major intellectual recommendation for the creation of Kingship Studies in African universities. I will conclude with a proposal for how studies of kingship should be taught in schools for African students who are influenced by tradition but are also aware of rising democracies across the world. Let me start with a controversial suggestion.
Alaafinology.

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